SOLID FINANCES
Germany will take in more than 1 trillion euros in taxes next year. And it still isn't enough. Or is it?
Text: Karl-Heinz Paqué
Illustrations: Emmanuel Polanco
SOLID FINANCES
Germany will take in more than 1 trillion euros in taxes next year. And it still isn't enough. Or is it?
Text: Karl-Heinz Paqué
Illustrations: Emmanuel Polanco
The government's tax revenue growth in the last three decades is nothing short of mind-boggling. In 1990, the government took in less than 300 billion euros in taxes; at the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, it was around 500 billion euros; next year it will most likely be more than 1 trillion euros, i.e. 1000 (!) billion. That is some phenomenal growth in only one generation and substantially more than can be explained through inflation and real growth in value added. And yet, the money isn't nearly enough. Or so political representatives everywhere and on all levels of government keep saying. The specialist ministers in the Federal Cabinet have been screaming the loudest lately, even though the 2024 budget provides around 424 billion euros on the federal level alone for the government to fulfil its tasks. Federal Finance Minister Christian Lindner urges his colleagues to exercise budgetary discipline, and he will probably have to put his foot down together with Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Because now that the COVID-19 pandemic is behind us and the energy crisis is subsiding, they are fresh out of “emergencies” that would qualify as convincing reasons for circumventing the debt brake. The fact is that we have arrived at a new normal and are not experiencing a national emergency any more.
The liberal Federal Finance Minister has repeatedly described that very aptly. “We have a massive spending problem”, Lindner said on the ARD television programme “Bericht aus Berlin” in March 2023 already; on the same day he added in an interview with the “Welt am Sonntag” newspaper, “After years of emergency debt, reserves and zero interest rate, the true financial situation is becoming clear: we have strong revenues, but the spending is growing much too quickly. This government has a cost problem.” Lindner spoke of “our moral duty to the younger generations to put our public finances in order”. He's right. But how are we supposed to do that?
Saving is the only way
Raising taxes and abandoning the debt brake aren't viable solutions in the long term, and not only because there is currently no chance of organising a political majority for it. Economically, it would exacerbate the problem rather than solve it. Germany is a high-tax country that is already putting a heavy burden on the commercial Mittelstand's equity financing ability as it is; therefore, raising taxes would be most unwise. From an international perspective, higher taxes would further weaken Germany's competitiveness as a business location. Giving up the debt brake instead would send a calamitous signal to capital markets and jeopardise Germany's credit rating, meaning Germany would have to pay higher interest rates on its sovereign debt; seeing as the country's debt burden has already been going up lately (reaching 40 billion euros), this is not a good idea, either. And there is another consequence that might be even more dramatic: tax increases could erode the stability of the euro, which depends on financial markets having confidence in the long-term stability of financial policy in the biggest country of the Eurozone and the European Union.
In short: saving is the only way. It cannot be done at the expense of investment, though, because that is the lifeblood of economic growth and Germany's economy is currently teetering on the brink of a recession anyway. Even more unsettling is the long-term outlook, because the nation is getting older – in every respect. For one, demographic trends in Germany are significantly worse than in neighbouring European countries, the UK or the United States. For another, the asset base in both the private and the public sector is considerably older than in those nations that are Germany's most important competitors when it comes to attracting businesses on a global level.
Therefore, the required spending discipline must be exercised on the consumer side. The fact is, public budgets have increasingly degenerated into a system for doling out government support and subsidies. Which has happened, above all, for two political reasons: delayed reforms and overregulated projects. Both problems are illustrated by countless examples in the federal budget.
The attempt at ecological fine-tuning and micromanagement is a recipe for public budgetary stress.
Let me give you just two of them from social and climate policy. More than 100 billion euros, that is almost a quarter of the entire federal budget, are currently earmarked for financing the various pension schemes. That budget item has been growing for decades to reach its current size, a development that was foreseeable because, in the end, it is merely a reflection of social security's underfinancing which, in turn, is a result of the inexorable aging of our society. The required structural reforms of the pension system – from longer and more flexible working lives to higher pension contributions and fully funded supplementary pension schemes – have only progressed very slowly, so far. And they are by no means sufficient to rein in the avalanche of government support that is getting bigger and bigger. It is high time to make this issue a top priority. The sheer size of the budgetary burden indicates a substantial savings potential, if only the government took decisive action. Looking at it the other way around, it is quite clear that unless something is done in time, the situation of the already overextended government will take a dramatic turn for the worse because the enormous generation of baby boomers’ gradual transition into retirement has only just begun.
Let me give you just two of them from social and climate policy. More than 100 billion euros, that is almost a quarter of the entire federal budget, are currently earmarked for financing the various pension schemes. That budget item has been growing for decades to reach its current size, a development that was foreseeable because, in the end, it is merely a reflection of social security's underfinancing which, in turn, is a result of the inexorable aging of our society. The required structural reforms of the pension system – from longer and more flexible working lives to higher pension contributions and fully funded supplementary pension schemes – have only progressed very slowly, so far. And they are by no means sufficient to rein in the avalanche of government support that is getting bigger and bigger. It is high time to make this issue a top priority. The sheer size of the budgetary burden indicates a substantial savings potential, if only the government took decisive action. Looking at it the other way around, it is quite clear that unless something is done in time, the situation of the already overextended government will take a dramatic turn for the worse because the enormous generation of baby boomers’ gradual transition into retirement has only just begun.
Goals defined in simple terms
In climate policy, the situation is different but no less problematic. Here, the frantic attempt to appear decisive has led to excessive subsidies, tax breaks and government grants for a plethora of measures and purposes, when, ecologically, our society has a simple and clearly defined core goal: to reduce the climate-damaging emission of known greenhouse gases, above all carbon dioxide (CO2). And the key instrument that can be used to reach that goal with minimal budget impact has long been on the table, too: a comprehensive emissions trading scheme with a limited number of permits (cap and trade) that is mandatory for all sectors of the economy – from energy to agriculture, from traffic to heating. Such a transformation may certainly require measures to alleviate social hardship that will inevitably put a burden on the public budget. But those measures would cost considerably less than the profusion of differentiated subsidies, tax breaks and government grants offered for the implementation of specific technologies (such as heat pumps, for example). The fact is that the current attempt at ecological fine-tuning and micromanagement virtually is a recipe for public budgetary stress (not to mention a gross violation of the principle of technology neutrality). In the eyes of the public, those who decide to offer incentives are also responsible for financing them – which is why the incentives will come back to haunt those who dreamed them up. That there also expensive windfall effects goes without saying.
Bottom line: the government must finally design adequate framework conditions that allow it to get out from under its excessive spending burden. That will require structural reforms aimed at long-term financial stability, and those reforms must target the pension and social security system as well as the transformation of climate policy. It will take political courage, starting with keeping the debt brake engaged while refraining from raising taxes. But that is not all. A comprehensive, long-term concept of sustainability will need to be implemented, covering not only ecological and social aspects but also – with an equally strong political commitment – financial stability. We owe it to future generations. So, political decision makers have their work cut out for them!
Karl-Heinz Paqué is Chairman of the Board at the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom and professor emeritus of economics at the Otto von Guericke University Magdeburg. From 2002 until 2006 he was finance minister of the German Bundesland Saxony-Anhalt.
Karl-Heinz Paqué is Chairman of the Board at the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom and professor emeritus of economics at the Otto von Guericke University Magdeburg. From 2002 until 2006 he was finance minister of the German Bundesland Saxony-Anhalt.
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